Si el presidente haitiano René Preses podría causarle a sra invitado a representantes del gobierno de Taiwán a la ceremonia de su investidura, en febrero.
Pero lo hizo, y por meses Haití ha pagar el precio, mientras China intenta denodadamente retirar las fuerzas d Como resultado, y pese a un acuerdo preliminar en contrar la ONU se hayan retirado de la isla, ya que este domingo expira el plazo de la Misión de las Naciones Unidas en Haití (Ua UNMIH por el Consejo de Seguridad, China logró hacer declarar al Consejol "período final" de la misión.
Sin embargo, el secretario generque aunque la situación de Haití mejoristide, en ocaria.
"Persisten los temores de que personas asociadas al régimen de facto (que gobernó entre 1991 y 1argumentó Boutros-Ghali.
Así mismo, el gobierno de Préval señecer seguridad por sí misma, y Boutros-Ghali concordó. "Un completo retiroONU podría poner en peligro los ll pueblo haitiano", advesdeaia de una fuerza más pequeña recomendada por Boutros-Ghali, la Misión de Apoyo de las Naal parece que van a llegar hasta el final", ya que este vana Foa, portavoz de la ONU.
Canadá, que proveería el mayor apoyo logístico para la mis300 soldados es lo mínimo necesario para mantener la paz en Haití. Actalma replicó que Haití ha estado en paz durante meses y advipreservar más de unos pocos cientos de soldados.
No obstante, otros miembros del Coen grandes posibilidades de un acuerdo para permiti "Hemos logrado un acuerdo tentativo para mantonsidera necesaria", y el Consejo de Seguridad podría a Audados, sólo 600 de ellos estarían bajo el comando de la ONU. Los es voluntarias" de países y respondeip/96)
= 06272323 OSC – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – * * * * A T T E N T I O N A L L P O I N T S * * * *
INTER PRESS SERVICE BEGINS ITS DAILY ENGLISH TRANSMISSION
Friday, June 28, 1996
* * * * * * G O O D D A Y * * * * * * * – – – – – – – – – – – – – – -CNAMNL AP IP
HONG KONG: A Smooth Hand-over iarticular, a trouble-free return of Hong Kong to Chinese rule is key to realising future goals.
This is because Beijing would want to promote the smooth hand- over of the British colony as a model for reunification in the light of the such, observers note that Jiang has taken on a more hands-on approach in the negotiations with Britain. Moreover, the Chinese president is personally vetting the post Jun 30, 1997 leadership.
"Jiang wants to ensure that Hong Kong does not jeopardise his own standing in Beijing by advocating contradictory policies post- 1997 which make Jiang seem a weak leader," said one diplomat here. "Vetting cadres for their political sympathies towards the leadership and Jiang himself, fits in with this."
The diplomat says that such moves were indicative of a president whose claim to succeed the 91-year-old Deng as China's next paramount leader was not yet secure.
"Any weapon he can use to bolster his power in Beijing he will use," the diplomat said. "And that includes Hong Kong even at the expense of greater autonomy for Hong Kong."
Says Dr Michael DeGolyer of the Hong Kong in Transition Project at the Colony's Baptist University: "The Chinese government is made up of various factions. Some support Hong Kong… and there are others who would just as soon see Hong Kong collapse."
Analysts say this makes it even more imperative for Jiang to become more directly involved in the hand-over negotiations. The Chinese president also recognises this.
Last month, he attended a meeting in Shenzhen – – across the border from the colony – – of Hong Kong's Preparatory Committee, a group of handpicked luminaries from Hong Kong and China charged with handling the transition and choosing the first post-June 1997 governor.
Analysts here say Jiang's presence at a number of Preparatory Committee meetings in the last year signals a new hands-on approach and a desire to ensure policies relating to Hong Kong are in keeping with his own interests.
Other analysts note Jiang appears determined to be involved in choosing Hong Kong's first post-1997 governor who would be answerable to him after the handover and in outlining a policy of marginalising Hong Kong's elected democrats.
Says Lam: "It is significant that in the past two years, Mr Jiang has tried his best to prevent the H has declined in Beijing.
"In the past Chinese leaders truly believed in giving Hong Kong some autonomy but now they appear to want more control," Lee said.
Joseph Cheng of Hong Kong's City University Political Science department backs up this view. "In the past China's Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office had a free hand to handle administrative matters rapidly if it chose. But now senior leaders want to have a say in every minor issue."
The effect of this kind of interference has not necessarily been good for the Hong Kong transition.
This is because many issues which would have normally been settled through negotiations at the diplomatic level have been held up by Beijing leaders, who, according to Cheng, do not know Hong Kong well.
Moreover, he says, some have their own personal interest at heart, and this may yet complicate the already protracted negotiations which were expected to take on a new urgency with the symbolic arrival of Jun 30, 1996.(END/IPS/AP-IP/YS/CPG/96
